Category Archives: Annexure – I

Programme of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

Adopted at the PARTY CONGRESS held in May 1970

From Liberation, Vol. III, Nos. 7-9 (May-July 1970).

1. Our beloved country is one of the biggest and most ancient countries of the world inhabited by 500 million people. Ours is an agrarian country, a country of the peasant masses, hard-working and talented. They have rich revolutionary traditions and a glorious cultural heritage.

2. The British imperialists conquered India and established their direct rule some 200 years ago and since then the history of our country has been a history of ceaseless struggles waged by the heroic Indian peasantry against British imperialism and feudal oppression. It has been a history of innumerable peasant uprisings against colonialist rule and feudal exploitation. The First War of Independence in 1857, a war fought by the peasantry and rebel soldiers, turned into a conflagration engulfing the whole of this vast country, inflicting many humiliating defeats on the imperialists and shaking the very foundations of the alien imperialist rule. This great uprising of the Indian people failed owing to the betrayal by India’s feudal princes.

3. Since then India has witnessed innumerable armed peasant revolts. However, these revolts failed as there was no scientific theory and no revolutionary leadership capable of leading them to victory.

4. The Indian bourgeoisie, comprador in nature, intervened to divert the national liberation struggle from the path of revolution to the path of compromise and surrender. Beginning from the Champaran peasant struggle, the Gandhian leadership representing the upper stratum of the bourgeoisie and feudal class, with its ideology of ahimsa, satyagraha, passive resistance and charkha, sought to tailor the national movement to serve the interests of the British imperialist rule and its feudal lackeys.

5. The Great October Revolution brought the ideology of Marxism-Leninism to our country and the Communist Party of India was born. However, despite tremendous opportunities, the leadership of the working class could not be established over the national liberation struggle as the leadership of the Party refused to fight Gandhism and the Gandhian leadership and to take to the path of revolution. The leadership refused to integrate the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of Indian revolution. It refused to integrate the Party with the heroic masses, chiefly the revolutionary peasantry, and to forge a revolutionary united front. It refused to learn from the great national liberation struggle of the Chinese people led by the CPC and Chairman Mao Tsetung and to take to the path of armed struggle.

6. On the contrary, the leadership of the CPI consciously trailed behind the leadership of the Congress and betrayed the revolution from the very beginning. The leaders of the CPI were agents of imperialism and feudalism. Despite the treachery of the leadership, the Party ranks stood by the suffering people, led many class battles and made untold sacrifices for the cause of the Indian proletariat.

7. The smashing defeat of the fascist powers at the hands of the world’s people led by the Soviet Union under the leadership of Great Stalin and the world-shaking victorious advance of the great Chinese liberation struggle under the leadership of Chairman Mao brought about a new alignment of forces the world over. Imperialism was very much weakened and the national liberation struggle of the colonial people surged forward like a torrent throughout Asia, Africa and Latin America threatening to sweep imperialism and its lackeys away.

8. An unprecedented revolutionary situation overtook the Indian subcontinent too. The mighty movement for the release of ‘Azad Hind’ prisoners, powerful anti-imperialist demonstrations by students all over India, the great Tebhaga and Bakasht struggles, the anti-feudal struggles in the princely states, the powerful struggle of the P&T workers, the armed revolt of the RIN ratings along with rebellions in the air force and the army and the police revolt in Bihar, the great solidarity actions of the working class and the beginning of the historic armed peasant struggle in Telengana brought the imperialist rule in India almost to the verge of collapse.

9. Faced with such a situation, Briltish imperialism pressed into service its tried agents — the leaders of the Indian National Congress, Muslim League and of the CPI with a view to crushing this revolutionary upsurge of the Indian people. The country was partitioned amidst communal carnage and the Congress leadership, representing the comprador bourgeoisie and big landlords, was installed in power while the British imperialists stepped into the background. The sham independence declared in 1947 was nothing but a replacement of the colonial and semi-feudal set-up by a semi-colonial and semi-feudal one.

10. During these years of sham independence the big comprador-bureaucrat bourgeoisie and big landlord ruling classes have been serving their imperialist masters quite faithfully. These lackeys of imperialism, while preserving the old British imperialist exploitation, have also brought the US imperialist and Soviet social-imperialist exploiters to fleece our country.

On The Political-Organizational Report : Hate, Identify and Smash Centrism

Comrade Charu Majumdar’s speech introducing the Political-Organizational Report at the Party Congress:

From Liberation, Vol. III, Nos. 7-9 (May-July 1970). The report of this speech, based on notes taken at the Congress, was adopted by the Congress as a Party document.

In the present world situation there are two important phenomena. On the one hand, there is US imperialism’s naked aggression against Cambodia. The US imperialists have thrown away all pretences and invaded Cambodia. Their logic is Hitler’s logic — the logic of all aggressors. They cannot wait any more, they can no longer talk of peace. Now they will attack one country after another. So this is the beginning of the third world war.

On the other hand, the revolutionary united front of the peoples of Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos under the leadership of China has been built up to fight the US aggressors. The unity of the three Indo-Chinese peoples has been achieved. This is a great thing in world history, which did not exist when Hitler’s hordes marched across Sudetanland. The Second World War was preceded by Munich — by great betrayal. But now the united front of revolutionary peoples under the leadership of China is taking shape. So this is the great beginning of the defeat of imperialism and the great beginning of the victory of the world’s people.

The same kind of phenomena exist in India also. India’s reactionary ruling classes are making frenzied war preparations to suit the global strategy of US imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. They are hatching criminal war plans against China. But the emergence of the CPI (M-L) has changed the internal situation in India. The armed revolutionary peasant struggle led by the CPI(M-L) has become the motive force of history. We must take into account not only the offensive of the ruling classes but also the counter-offensive of the revolutionary people.

Our cardinal tasks therefore are : to build up the Party and to get it entrenched among the landless and poor peasants. The building up of the Party means the development of the armed class struggle. And without armed class struggle the Party cannot be developed and cannot entrench itself among the masses.

The struggle between the two lines is there within the Party and will continue. We must oppose and defeat the incorrect line. But we must be on our guard against centrism. Centrism is a brand of revisionism — its worst form. In the past, revisionism was defeated again and again by revolutionary elements but centrism always seized the victories of the struggle and led the party along the revisionist path. We must hate centrism. On the question of boycotting elections Nagi Reddy said : “Yes, we accept it but it should be restricted to a certain area at a certain period. We shall participate in elections where there is no struggle.” This is Nagi Reddy’s line. This is centrism. We have fought against it and thrown the Nagi Reddys out of our organization. Regarding Soviet social-imperialism, some say : “The Soviet leaders are revisionists. But how can they be imperialist ? Where is that development of monopoly capital?” These are centrists. We have fought them and thrown them out of our Party. So the centrists raised the questions of trade unions and “working class-based Party” when armed class struggle is to be developed by relying on the peasantry. We fought Asit Sen and company on these issues and threw them out of the Party.

We must not only distinguish between the correct and the incorrect line but also find out the centrist position and smash it.

Now the centrist attack is coming from inside the Party. On the questions of using fire-arms, the dependence on the petty-bourgeois intellectual and the battle of annihilation, the Party is facing centrist attacks.

It must be understood that the battle of annihilation is both a higher form of class struggle and the starting-point of guerrilla war. There are two deviations on this question :

    1. Some comrades agree that annihilation is the starting-point of guerrilla war but they do not agree that it is a higher form of class struggle. It should be borne in mind that only through the development of class struggle can all the problems be solved.

    2. There are other comrades who carried on class struggle — the struggle for the seizure of landlords’ land and property —but did not wage the battle of annihilation. So the cadres became degenerate : they were lost. The comrades missed the point that annihilation is the starting-point of guerrilla war.

Political-Organizational Report Adopted at the Party Congress

From Liberation, Vol. III, Nos. 7-9 (May-July 1970).

Our Congress is taking place at a time when US imperialism is continuing open and naked aggression on Cambodia and expanding the war of aggression throughout Indo-China with the sheer logic of an aggressor, reminding us of the days of Munich. This attack can easily be termed as the beginning of the Third World War as the march of the Hitlerite hordes on Sudetanland was the beginning of the Second World War. But the world situation today cannot be understood only in the light of the aggression and aggressive designs of US imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism for, unlike Munich, a new thing has emerged under the leadership of the great CPC and China. The three Indo-Chinese peoples have united and presented a united front against the US aggressors. This marks a great victory of the Indo-Chinese peoples and serves as the key to the understanding of the present world situation. Our struggle against imperialist warmongers must take note of this new danger of aggression and the great victory of the Indo-Chinese people.

In our country also the Indian Government under the cover of national defence are feverishly preparing for an aggressive war to serve the needs to the global strategy of US imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. Soviet and US specialists are actually controlling the entire defence organization of our country and this pressure of war efforts is breaking down the entire economy and throwing the country into an abyss of permanent and severe economic crisis. But in the Indian situation also a new thing has emerged which marks the victory of the people; it is the peasants’ armed struggle under the leadership of the CPI(M-L). Within a year this struggle has spread far and wide — from Assam to Kashmir — and has engulfed more than 12 States of India and has already become a motive force of history. The puppet character of the present regime and the hollowness of the parliamentary system are becoming clear to the entire people and the bitter class struggles are shattering the myth of Gandhism and the “peaceful professions” of the present regime. The bitter class struggles have exposed the butcher nature of the present reactionary government; the necessity of the battle of annihilation against these butchers is felt by vast masses of the people and the struggle is spreading to rural areas with tremendous vigour.

The emergence of our Party — CPI(M-L) — is the victory of the revolutionary people of India and also the victory of the all-powerful Thought of Chairman Mao on the soil of India. Equipped with the great Mao Tsetung Thought, this revolutionary peasants’ armed struggle has already become an invincible force which imperialists, social-imperialists and native reaction cannot suppress. That this onward march of the armed revolutionary struggle of the peasantry will continue unabated and that the struggle will spread to all the states of India is not only the truth of history but has already become the reality of history.

In order to achieve victory we must pay attention to the building of our Party — CPI(M-L). This task is the most important, most immediate and most sacred task of the revolutionary people of India. We must build up our Party among the landless and poor peasants and on this alone the revolutionary striking power of the Party and the revolutionary people depends. The working class and petty-bourgeois cadres must integrate themselves with the landless and poor peasants and this task of integration cannot be over-emphasized. The history of our inner-party struggles since the 20th Congress of the CPSU shows that the right-wing revisionist line was defeatd by the left-wing revolutionary cadres again and again but the victory of the left forces could not be consolidated, thanks to the subtle manoeuvres of the centrist elements. Thus, the history of our inner-party struggles shows that centrism is the vilest weapon of the revisionists and we must fight all signs of centrism. Centrism undermines the revolutionary politics and makes the fighter defenceless.

With the peal of the spring thunder of the Naxalbari struggle came a turning-point in the history of the Indian revolution. When revisionism seemed triumphant and the whole of India was steeped in darkness, Comrade Charu Majumdar, who organized and led the Naxalbari struggle, analysed correctly the character of the Indian society and state and the great role of the peasantry in India’s democratic revolution, upheld Chairman Mao’s great teaching : “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” and applied Mao Tsetung Thought to the concrete conditions of India for the first time in this country’s history. The Naxalbari struggle led by Comrade Charu Majumdar marked the beginning of the rout of revisionism in India — the beginning of the victorious onward march of Mao Tsetung Thought on the soil of India. The leadership provided by him since then has kindled the flames of armed peasant guerrilla struggle in Srikakulam and Andhra and spread those flames to eleven other states of India.

Political Resolution of The Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

This was one of the two resolutions adopted by the AICCCR on 22nd April 1969-the other one was the resolution on organization, printed in this Volume as an appendix on the basis of which the CPI(M-L) was formed.

THE events of the last eighteen months since we repudiated the neo-revisionists prove beyond doubt the correctness of our stand. They prove that the line of rejecting the parliamentary path and adopting the path of revolutionary struggle is wholly correct. During this period the people of India have seen the rank opportunism of all the bourgeois and revisionist parties and their total political bankruptcy. They have lost faith in all the bourgeois and revisionist parties and are convinced of the utter futility of the parliamentary path.

Indian Society : Semi-colonial and semi-feudal


The events have also confirmed the correctness of our assessment with regard to the stage, nature and character of our society, state and government. While rejecting the revisionist understanding, we stated that India is a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country, that the Indian state is the state of the big landlords and comprador-bureaucrat capitalists, and that its government is a lackey of US imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. The abject dependence of Indian economy on ‘aid’ from imperialist countries, chiefly from US imperialism and Soviet revisionism, the thousands of collaboration agreements, imperialist plunder of our country through unequal trade and ‘aid’, the utter dependence for food on P L 480, etc., go to prove the semi-colonial character of our society.

The increasing concentration of land in the hands of a few landlords, the expropriation of almost the total surplus produced by the toiling peasantry in the form of rent, the complete landlessness of about 40 per cent of the rural population, the back-breaking usurious exploitation, the ever-growing evictions of the poor peasantry coupled with the brutal social oppression — including lynching of ‘harijans’, reminiscent of the mediaeval ages — and the complete backwardness of the technique of production clearly demonstrate the semi-feudal character of our society.

The fleecing of the Indian people by extracting the highest rate of profit, the concentration of much of India’s wealth in the hands of seventy-five comprador-bureaucrat capitalists, the utilization of the state sector in the interest of foreign monopolies and domestic big business, and the unbridled freedom of the landlords to plunder and oppress the peasantry with the help of the state machinery— all go to prove that it is the big landlords and comprador-bureaucrat capitalists who run the state. The political, economic, cultural and military grip of US imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism on the Indian state, the dovetailing of its foreign policy with the US-Soviet global strategy of encircling Socialist China and suppressing the national liberation struggles, the recent tours of Latin America and South-east Asia by the Indian Prime Minister to further the interests of this counter-revolutionary strategy, the total support given by the Indian Government to the Soviet armed provocation against China, the tacit approval of Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia and its active collaboration with the US imperialists against the national liberation struggle of Vietnam clearly show that the Indian Government is a lackey of US imperialism and Soviet revisionism.

The rising tide of the peasant struggles in various parts of our country is further confirmation of our stand that the principal contradiction in our country at the present phase is between feudalism and the masses of our peasantry.

The Indian revolution at this stage is the democratic revolution of the new type — the People’s Democratic Revolution — the main content of which is the agrarian revolution, the abolition of feudalism in the countryside. To destroy feudalism, one of the two main props (comprador-bureaucrat capitalism being the other) of imperialism in our country, the Indian people will have to wage a bitter, protracted struggle against US and Soviet imperialism too. By liberating themselves from the yoke of feudalism, the Indian people will liberate themselves also from the yoke of imperialism and comprador-bureaucrat capital, because the struggle against feudalism is also a struggle against the other two enemies.