CPI(ML) Liberation Firm Defender of the Revolutionary Legacy of the Indian Communists

Some Particulars about CPI(ML)-Liberation

Members of the Political Bureau : 1. Vinod Mishra, General Secretary 2. Raghu, Chairman, Central Control Commission 3. Nagbhushan Pattnaik, President of IPF 4. Ramnaresh Ram, in-charge, peasant front 5. Sankar Mitra, central spokesperson 6. Arindam Sen, editor, Liberation 7. Dipankar Bhattacharya, OGS, IPF Central Publications : Liberation, central organ in English, published every two months by Arup Pal, from 8-A Picnic Garden 1st Lane, Calcutta 700039 Lokyudh, bi-monthly central organ in Hindi, editor and published by Ram Jatan Sharma form Azad Market, Peer Mohani, Patna 800003 Lal Jhanda, bi-monthly journal of the working class, published in Hindi, Bengali and Tamil, edited by Dhurjati Prasad Bakshi, C/O Amiya Chakraborty, 6 Annada Bannerjee Lane, Calcutta 700020 Central Spokesperson : Sankar Mitra C-1/46, Gali No. 2, Sadatpur Colony Delhi 110094 (Tel:...

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CPI(ML)-Liberation : TRUE INHERITOR OF INDIA’S REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST LEGACY

In view of the facts that the CPI(ML)-Liberation is the only CPI(ML) group (a) which has maintained its continuity and unity since its reorganisation in 1974; (b) which has got an all-lndia organisational network covering Assam, Tripura, West Bengal southern Orissa (Koraput-Ganjam area), coastal Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, southern Kerala, Bangalore, Bombay, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar; (c) which has held regular Party Congresses and Conferences upto regional and district levels and is run by duly elected bodies at different levels; (d) which conducts regular party education and rectification and consolidation campaigns to raise the level of consciousness of party ranks and ensure their increasing involvement in the running of various party affairs; e) which has regular central organs in English and Hindi backed fay a network of state organs in regional languages, party pamphlets and various periodicals; f) which practises various forms of struggle ranging from armed resistance to parliamentary agitation and runs a whole set of organisations varying from the secret and the underground to the widest possible open mass organisations, conducts mass activities on all fronts and in all spheres of life and undertakes joint action with political forces of different kinds, combining them all into a growing current of mass struggles; (g) which maintains fraternal and friendly relations with communist and democratic movements of several countries, We claim ourselves as the true inheritor...

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FRATERNAL TIES BASED ON SELF-RELIANCE AND MUTUAL NON-INTERFERENCE

THE party has maintained close fraternal relations with the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) from the mid-70s onward. These relations have been based upon the spirit of mutual respect and learning from each other while strictly maintaining the policy of mutual noninterference and our commitment to opposing all expressions of Indian hegemony. At the invitation of the Chinese Communist Party two delegations of our party had visited China in 1979 and 1980. We have also been maintaining comradely relations with the Communist Party and democratic organisations of the Philippines and Peru. There are now greater prospects for expanding our relations with friends abroad and we do look forward to developing a warm friendship and solidarity with communist parties and revolutionary democratic movements across the world. However, we have always upheld and shall continue to uphold the cardinal principle of self-reliance. We have consistently and consciously refused and shall continue to refuse all kinds of financial support from any foreign force or from various foreign-funded domestic voluntary organisations. We refuse to be dictated by any party and have always worked out our plans, policies and actions exclusively on the basis of our own study of the Indian...

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MULTIFARIOUS ACTIVITIES AND GROWING RESUMPTION OF OPEN PARTY PRACTICE

To take up the challenge of defending Marxism-Leninism in the face of the continuing deep crisis of socialism and renewed bourgeois offensive, the party in its July 1990 Special Conference in Delhi has decided to resume open functioning after nearly twenty years. Accordingly, its central and state organs have started appearing openly; party banners are displayed in open rallies and demonstrations; seminars are being organised in defence of Marxism and a widespread campaign has been launched to impart primary Marxist education to more and more people and recruit large number of elements emerging out of mass struggle into the party. The party has also launched its all-India trade union wing named the All India Central Council of Trade Unions (AICCTU) and is planning to coordinate the activities of its state level peasant associations through a national body. On the student front. national-level organisation has already been initiated in the form of All India Students’ Association (AISA) while on women and cultural fronts, too, building national-level organisations is on the agenda of the coming years. The party has also built up a propaganda network through its own organs, through IPF organs and through popular democratic periodicals like the Patna-based Hindi weekly Samkaleen Janmat. In 1986, it had brought out a Report from the Flaming Fields of Bihar – an analytical review of the developing revolutionary peasant movement of Bihar in...

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GRASPING THE BASIC DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE CPI(M) AND CPI(ML)

IT may be useful here to reiterate the basic differences between the CPI(M) and our party. The opportunist course in the Indian communist movement is identified first by its characterisation of the Indian bourgeoisie. In the garb of various kinds of jugglery of words and phrases, it essentially emphasises the ‘national’ character of the Indian bourgeoisie, thereby highlighting the latter’s potential for leading anti- imperialist and anti-feudal struggles and effecting a democratic transformation of the Indian society. This theory has led to exaggeration of contradictions between the private and public sectors and advocacy of tailing behind different bourgeois-landlord parties, sometimes in the name of anti-fascist front and at other times in the name of democratic or secular fronts. In the International arena, the principal contradiction according to the opportunist course is the contradiction between (US) imperialism and (Soviet) socialism. Extended to the domestic scene, this principal global contradiction only rationalises the theory of the so-called anti-imperialist character of the Indian bourgeoisie for the latter has always maintained close ties with the Soviet bloc. Thirdly, and as a corollary to its understanding of the Indian bourgeoisie’s character, the opportunist course refuses to organise the broad masses of labouring peasantry as the main force of democratic transformation. On the contrary, it has developed an understanding with the kulak lobby, an understanding that lies behind its stable political relationship with various regional...

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FOURTH PARTY CONGRESS AND THE CALL FOR LEFT CONFEDERATION

THE Fourth Party Congress was held in January 1988 in a village in Hazaribagh district of Bihar. In keeping with the changing situation and its own enhanced understanding, the party radically revised various outdated ideas and stereo-typed positions, thus clearing the way for entering and reshaping the mainstream of Indian politics. Giving up the tiresome phrase of unity of communist revolutionaries, that is the Naxalite groups, it resolved to initiate interaction with the main Left parties and advanced the call for a Left and democratic confederation. The Congress elected a Central Committee of 21 members, and the CC, in its turn, elected a 7-member Polit Bureau with Comrade VM as the General Secretary. The CPI(ML) movement of the 70s had by now split into two distinct trends – one, represented by our party, retrieved Marxism-Leninism through a thorough and consistent struggle against anarchist deviations both in theory and practice and brought the party back to the course of the communist legacy, revolutionary mass struggles and full-fledged political initiatives, while the other, represented by host of groups like the Maoist Communist Centre, the Second Central Committee, Party Unity and some factions of PCC perfected the anarchist deviations into a full-fledged theoretical framework. Within the CPI(ML) movement as a whole this anarchist challenge has consolidated itself in the last few years and poses the main challenge before the party’s advance. However,...

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FORMATION OF IPF : A NEW LEAP IN POLITICAL ASSERTION

MEANWHILE, the party had started feeling a desperate need for asserting its presence in the national political scene. In the wake of the failure of the first non-Congress experiment at the Centre and the restoration of the Indira regime, there had begun a national debate on a national political alternative and we decided to launch a mass political organisation to intervene in this ongoing debate from a revolutionary democratic premise. Serious attempts were made at both bilateral and multilateral levels to seek the cooperation and participation of other communist revolutionary (CR) organisations in building such a forum. A meeting of thirteen CR organisations including almost all the major factions was convened by our party in 1981. That remains the first and last attempt for unity of the movement. At the same time, we embarked upon large-scale interactions with the emerging intermediate forces of non-party mass movement. All these efforts finally culminated in the formation of the Indian People’s Front through a three-day conference from April 24 to 26, 1982, in Delhi. In December 1982, the party organised its Third Congress in a village in Giridih district of Bihar. This Congress was fairly representative In character and it elected a Central Committee of 17 full and 8 alternative members. The CC re-elected Comrade VM as the General Secretary. After a fierce debate, the Congress gave its green signal to the...

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DRAWING NEW STRENGTH THROUGH RECTIFICATION OF OLD MISTAKES

IN 1978, the party launched a rectification movement. It had all begun with the limited purpose of correcting just the style of work, but the spirit of rectification did not spare the political line. Great changes began to occur in the party line and practice which were formalised in a Special Party Conference held in a village of Bhojpur in July 1979. The Conference decided to initiate open mass activities through mass organisations. At this Juncture, polemics within the movement was sharpened between the two trends represented by our organisation and the group known as the Provisional Central Committee (PCC). The PCC, an opportunist conglomeration of various factions, had won a lot of acclaim and support for the alacrity with which it had started rectifying all past mistakes. Its central figure, Mr. Satya Narain Singh, had deserted the movement In 1970 itself and begun to hobnob with bourgeois politicians. During the Emergency he advocated trailing behind Jay Prakash; in 1977 he worked out a deal with Charan Singh, the then Union Home Minister, asking Naxalite prisoners to come out of Jails by signing bonds abjuring violence; and finally ended up as a champion of unity with anti-Congress kulaks and big bourgeoisie. We pointed out from the very beginning that the whole premise of PCC is liquidationist and what it actually intends to ‘rectify’ is the essential revolutionary spirit of...

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THE MID-70S : KEEPING THE PARTY ALIVE AMIDST SPLITS AND CONFUSION

In the middle of 1972 the party had suffered almost a total paralysis. The entire central leadership was virtually decimated. The remaining party forces were all lying scattered and fragmented. And on the question of the party’s line, there was confusion all around. At this juncture, a new Central Committee was organised on 28 July, 1974, the second anniversary day of Comrade Charu Mazumdar’s martyrdom. The committee consisted of only three members – Comrade Jauhar, the General Secretary, and Comrades Vinod Mishra and Raghu. This new CC enjoyed the allegiance of the reorganised State Committee of Bihar which was at the helm of the growing peasant movement in several blocks of Bhojpur and Patna districts, the newly formed State Leading Committee of West Bengal which was struggling hard to keep alive the party and a section of comrades in Eastern UP and Delhi. Soon, however, the party again suffered a major setback as many of its leaders, cadres and fighters got killed in police encounters in Bihar. In November 1975, Comrade Jauhar, the party General Secretary, too, died a martyr’s death fighting an enemy offensive in a Bhojpur village. Comrade VM then took over as the General Secretary and in February 1976, the Second Party Congress was held in a village in Gaya district of Bihar. The Congress elected an 11-member Central Committee with Comrade VM as the General...

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EMERGENCE OF THE CPI(ML) : THE OPENING UP OF A NEW ROAD

IN the course of a protracted struggle between its opportunist and revolutionary wings, the Communist Party of India underwent its first split in 1964 and a new party was formed in the shape of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). It did not however take long for the revolutionary wing to realize that the leadership of the new party has been seized by the centrist trend of the movement which is bent upon pursuing the same opportunist course. An Inner-party struggle ensued throughout the entire party. However, in a concentrated form it was carried on by Comrade Charu Mazumdar through his famous Eight Documents written between 1965 and 1966. Marked by a nationwide outburst of mass movements, this was also the period that saw the first major turn in post-1947 Indian politics. In West Bengal, the CPI(M)-dominated United Front was swept to power and the party leadership completed its transition to the opportunist strategic course. As its anti-thesis, the revolutionary wing went beyond the parameters of inner-party struggle and strove to orientate the mass struggles, the peasant movement in particular, towards the revolutionary strategic course. The peasant uprising in Naxalbari, organised by the Charu Mazumdar-led wing of the party precipitated the first showdown between the two strategic perspectives and tactical lines within the CPI(M). True to the tradition of social-democratic betrayal, the party at power responded with bullets and...

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