and make sure that the people can prevail and defeat the feudal-kulak design to subordinate the panchayat to its interests. Where we lose this perspective, Party committees are reduced to panchayat managing agencies and the schemes of the panchayat begin to overshadow the agenda of class struggle.

10. It must also be clearly grasped that the task of using the panchayats as platforms of struggle cannot be accomplished just by concerned Party committees. The key question is to subject the panchayat to the constant assertion and supervision of the people. Party committees and the network of mass organisations must work in tandem to exert constant mass pressure on panchayats. The Gram Sabha could be a particularly useful forum for this purpose. Also, we must not remain preoccupied only with panchayats run by our comrades, but focus our attention on the panchayat system as a whole. Unlike the Parliament and State Assemblies, the people have much closer and more organic ties with panchayats. To highlight key demands and press for resolution of mass grievances we can and
should frequently also make panchayats the centre of state-wide or district-wide mobilisation.

11. We must also lay emphasis on securing greater powers for panchayats and for a system of adequate allowances for panchayat representatives as are provided for MLAs and MPs. For all practical purposes, powers are still concentrated in the hands of the state government and district administration. Panchayats challenging the institutionalised system of corruption have to face nothing short of an administrative embargo. We must always rally the people against every instance of bureaucratic vendetta or administrative highhandedness. It is only through such bold political confrontation with higher authorities that democracy in the panchayats can be defended and expanded.