I have said that our country will be liberated by 1975 itself. That does not mean that we do not have to fight after 1975. This will be a dogmatic thinking. The essence of my saying so is that, we shall be achieving a dominant position by 1975 itself. This is a political assertion, I did not say this dogmatically.
We should remember that imperialism has reached the brink of its destruction. It will resort to various sinister designs in order to suppress the people. However, its designs are bound to fail in this revolutionary era. India has been converted into a direct satellite country of soviet social imperialism, it has tied itself up in military alliance with the Soviet. Social imperialism has made it occupy East Pakistan. By engaging itself in war with Pakistan, the Indian government has already imposed tax of Rs.400 crore on the people and will collect more. Will the people of India accept this peacefully? Definitely not. The more the reactionary government will intensify exploitation, the more the people will rise in revolt. Why social imperialism is projecting Indira as a ‘hero’? Because, it is not unlikely that some province of India will want to secede from India like East Bengal. In order to prevent that, they want to project an all India figure. Mired in intense crisis, imperialism will resort to various designs which is unprecedented in history.
Soviet social imperialism has made India occupy East Bengal. The armed struggle which was being carried out under the leadership of the Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) in East Bengal may face temporary setback. This setback is not all. If they can withstand this situation, their struggle will develop qualitatively within a short time, there will be qualitative leaf forward in the struggle. How will they survive? The way to sustain is to go deep within the masses with the politics, to politically rouse the masses. The huge tide that will be created with the combination of our struggle and their struggle will tremendously shake up the foundation of social imperialism and the Indian government.
This is 1971. We are visualizing the revolutionary tide of 1970, the tide of revolutionary struggle of the student-youth in the cities is no longer there, we have met with setback in the face of the offensive of the reactionary government. But is this all? What we are witnessing in the countryside? Be it in Birbhum, or in Naxalbari, or in Bardhaman or Nadia, everywhere the poor and landless peasants have come into the leadership. Their political standard may be less at this moment, but still its implication is great. Because, the more was the offensive, more have we gone deeper within the masses with politics. Same is the situation in the cities too, particularly in Kolkata. Faced with the offensive, the cadres are going to the basic masses. Party survives in this way only. How have we been able to survive? We have been able to survive because our party is surviving, it is surviving because we have taken politics into the poor and landless peasants, the workers, the leadership of the poor-landless peasants has been established. The more these poor-landless peasants grasp politics today, the more the struggle will intensify.
Why this state of affairs of the Medinipur struggle? There is only one reason which is, the leadership was in the hands of the petty bourgeoisie, the leadership of poor-landless peasants was not established. The poor-landless peasants were not roused with politics. May be there will not be any struggle in Medinipur for six months. There is no harm if there is no action, what is needed is to go deep into the masses with politics. Politics has to be kept in command.
Despite the setback we encountered in Andhra, the very same Andhra has risen up again. We have suffered heavy losses here. How could Andhra withstand this setback? The reason is, the party was surviving there. There has been intensive struggle between two lines there. The comrades have accepted our criticism and have come out of their mistakes. If the party survives wherever there is a setback, there will definitely be another tide of struggle there again. And that struggle will erupt in a more developed and intensive form.
So when I say that the country will be liberated by 1975, I do not say it dogmatically. The more social imperialism and its stooge Indian government will resort to sinister designs in order to survive themselves, the more they will have to intensify exploitation and repression on the people. The imperialists and their stooges will be wiped out by the revolt that will develop against this exploitation and repression. Many strange things will continue to happen during the four years from 1972 to 1975. It may so happen that in order to keep the masses on their fold, the bourgeoisie themselves may carry out our land reforms. But still they will not be able to draw the masses to their fold. We have to carry out everything starting from land reforms along with our struggle. We will definitely reach a dominant position by 1975. By that year itself, our struggle will reach a decisive position. We will be the determining factor then. It must be admitted that our Naxalbari struggle has also reached a higher stage. Why the ‘action’ that was conducted at Birsingh Jote was not like the ‘action’ in Vietnam? Was it due to error in planning? Definitely not. Because, political level did not develop to that stage. The more the politics is developed, the more you will grasp politics, the more the struggle will reach higher stage. So I am repeatedly emphasizing on keeping politics in command.
21st December, 1971
