Massive intervention of the state, the financial institutions, both native and foreign, and of scores of nongovernmental voluntary agencies has rendered the agrarian scene in Bihar very complex. New agrarian strategies coupled with parliamentary democracy have given rise to new classes out of the womb of old society, and has added a new political dimension to the old rigid social formation. A host of new problems cry for urgent solution on the theoretical plane. Through developing a network of study, investigation-analysis-solution at different levels, the Party is trying its utmost to perfect its programme, policies and tactics. For a careful observer, the present book will reveal that our successes are still at a very primary level.
Only a few red patches have appeared on the fields of ‘Green Revolution’ in Bihar. Through their exemplary tenacity, heroism and sacrifice, inexhaustible urge to learn and transform themselves, and unflinching loyalty to the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), the activists have achieved this much. To transform the whole of this ‘Green Revolution’ into a ‘Red Revolution’ is a world-historic task confronting the communists and revolutionary intelligentsia of India. If only our present endeavour, its successes and shortcomings, can encourage, or should we say provoke them to address themselves to the burning questions of Indian revolution with still greater seriousness, our purpose would be served.
Just as at the microlevel, warring factions of landlords, in their bid to achieve supremacy in the rural power-structure, strive to utilise the sufferings and grievances of the broad masses of the people, often with the help of agents among the people themselves, so at the macrolevel, too, various political parties and factions of the ruling classes try to use the people’s movements in their scrambling for power and authority. And recent history is replete with instances where this has provided the first impetus to the awakening of the people; however, from this point onwards it must march on independently, otherwise it has nothing to gain but everything to lose.
The peasant struggle in Bihar is also facing a similar predicament. Forging a strong unity among the communist revolutionaries, winning over the middle strata of the peasantry and the democratic ranks of parties like the CPI and the Lok Dal, and skillfully utilising the contradictions among different political parties and factions so as to isolate the principal political adversary, the ruling Congress — these are the foremost political tasks that the movement must accomplish if it is to make any real advance. The survival of the movement depends much on a proper hand, ling of these aspects of practical politics, and no amount of rhetoric is going to stop the drenching of the movement in blood-bath. The latest massacre in Arwal is a stark reminder of this grim reality.
Strong prejudices, based on factional, group, caste, communal, political and individual loyalties, which have crystallised into a veritable ‘mountain stronghold mentality’ among various political forces, render every step in the arena of practical politics extremely difficult. But the mountains can be removed, what one needs is the tenacity of that ‘foolish old man’.
Meanwhile, blood continues to spill over the vast tracts of green fields in Bihar. ‘No civilised government can tolerate a parallel administration’, declare the state functionaries, giving a clear hint at many more Arwals to come. ‘No massacre can deter the peasants from building a civilised society’, retort the revolutionaries. Battle lines are clearly drawn and the war goes on.
